August 15, 2008 -- A gifted 15-year-old student from India had to be rushed to the hospital after drinking liquid nitrogen during a science class at Princeton University.
The class was part of a program run by the Connecticut-based Summer Institute for the Gifted.
The evidence for the existence of very definite unfavorable stereotypes and dislikes of Jews and Italians, and to a small extent also of Irish, is unmistakable. Photographs to which Jewish surnames had been attached dropped, as seen from Table 3, 1.21 points in General Liking, 0.81 in Character, 0.29 in Beauty, while going up 1.01 in Ambition and 0.36 in Intelligence, with little consistent change in Entertainingness. The photographs with Italian surnames went down 0.78 points in General Liking, 0.33 in Beauty, 0.35 in Intelligence, 0.45 in Character, 0.34 in Entertainingness, while going up 0.39 points in Ambition. The Irish surnames produced a drop of 0.25 points in General Liking, 0.12 points in Beauty, 0.19 in Intelligence, 0.29 in Character, o.i i points in Entertainingness and a rise of 0.18 points in Ambition. The drops in General Liking and Character for Jews and Italians and the rise in Ambition for Jews are fully reliable statistically, while the other drops and rises possess some degree of reliability, are consistent, and borne out, in the main, by the interviews. The results are even more striking if one considers the fact that nearly 30 per cent of the subjects showed no consistent changes in their ratings and were—as revealed by some post-ratings questionings — definitely free from ethnic dislike.In contrast, "changes in the ratings of the photographs with Old American surnames" were "few and in no case statistically reliable".
ethnic dislike and unfavorable stereotyping of Jews among Americans of different ethnic descents diminishes in the following order [n/a: line breaks added]:
Anglo-Saxon,
German,
Scandinavian,
Dutch,
Irish,
French,
Spanish,
Italian,
Slav,
Hungarian,
Baltic,
Greek,
Rumanian.
[. . .]
The dislikes and unfavorable stereotypings of Italians follow approximately the same order, except that here the differences do not become statistically reliable till we pit those of Anglo-Saxon, German, Scandinavian, Irish, and Dutch descents against those who descend from white ethnic groupings in Eastern and Southern Europe (including the Jews among the latter).
From Table 5 we learn that college students are less prejudiced against Jews when their parents' incomes are either less than $3,000 or more than $12,000 than when these incomes are in intermediate brackets; that the parents' college education lessens a little the prejudices of their children; and that children of professionals, laborers, and big businessmen have less Jewish prejudice than children of farmers, white-collar workers, and small businessmen. The differences in amount of Jewish prejudice between the children of professionals and white-collar workers are fully reliable statistically, while the other differences are fairly or somewhat reliable. On the other hand, this table shows that prejudice against Italians is smaller among children of white-collar workers and small businessmen than among children of laborers and big businessmen; and that this prejudice is little affected by the education of the parents of the students, and is the greater the higher the income of the parents.Additionally:
prejudice against Jews is greater among Republicans than among Democrats, among opponents than among proponents of the New Deal (in 1938), among men students than among women students, among students who are members of sororities or fraternities than among those who are not members of these organizations, and among those who spent part of their lives in rural communities. Prejudice against Italians is, on the other hand, unrelated to political party preferences, attitudes toward the New Deal, and residence in rural communities. [. . .] Both prejudices are less among Catholics than among Protestants—very much less in the prejudice against Italians—but in this study religious affiliations have been so much overshadowed by ethnic descent that not much significance should be attached to this finding.Razran concludes:
that among present-day Americans ethnic dislike and unfavorable stereotyping of Jews possess an extent, a quality, and a structure that mark them off significantly from the dislike and unfavorable stereotyping of a comparable group such as Italians, not to mention the mild dislike and unfavorable stereotyping of the Irish. Merely quantitatively, in terms of standard scores, the mean of ethnic dislike of Jews is about 50 per cent higher than that of Italians and about five times as great as the dislike of the Irish. [Freudian psychobabble excised.]Continuing, Razran finds:
For one thing, in some areas that are no doubt determinants of ethnic—or any other social—status, the Jews have been judged favorably, or only slightly or moderately unfavorably. Take, for instance, intelligence and education—or rather a lack of them. The adjectives "ignorant," "stupid," "uncivilized," "primitive," "nai've," and the like have been applied very lavishly to the Italians in this study, and to some small extent also to the Irish. But in the case of the Jews the stereotyping was, as seen from the tables, in a favorable direction, with only occasional unfavorable Comments in the interviews such as "Jewish intelligence lacks originality," is "destructive," or is "too verbal and academic," and the like. In another area, that of "hygiene" and "grooming" and the adjectives of "dirty," "smelly," "sloppy," the stereotype of Jews was only a little more unfavorable than that of the Irish and clearly less unfavorable than that of the Italians.
[. . .]
In two other social realms that unquestionably are determining factors in ethnic status and distance, the Jews were judged moderately unfavorably. These realms are, first, what may be called "manners," "etiquette," and "taste," and, secondly, emotional stability. Neither of these realms has come in for direct rating, but both of them have been important in setting the rating of General Liking—to a considerable extent also Character and Entertainingness— and both have figured heavily in the interviews. In the first realm, the characterizations of "loud," "gaudy," "vulgar," "ostentatious," "uncouth," "don't know how to behave," often dubbed both Jews and Italians. There was, however, this difference that the ill-manners of the Italians were attributed to ignorance and to what may be called a "culture lag"—using culture in its popular rather than its sociological connotation—while Jewish bad manners were said to stem from more basic character defects which, as will be seen later, are the crux and "focal organizer" of nearly all the prejudice toward Jews. The unfavorable stereotyping with regard to emotional stability was "neuroticism" for the Jews, "irresponsibility," "hot air," and "alcoholism," for the Irish, and "hot tempered," "impulsive," "revengeful," and "primitive emotionality," for the Italians. Again, there was a tendency to consider the alleged instability of the Jews as socially more offensive, even though it was admitted that in concrete social situations the alleged instability of the other two groups would be more likely to be harmful and disruptive.
Except for General Liking, Jews scored lowest in Character and highest in Ambition. However, while Ambition is quite a specific aspect of behavior to be rated, Character is of course very composite, and we must turn to the interviews for specifications. On the whole, the chief determinants of the very low Jewish scores in Character was the stereotype of their unethical conduct—"unscrupulous," "dishonest," "crooked," "unfair," "scheming," "egotistic," "egocentric,"—with the stereotypes of "aggression," "cowardice," and "ill-manners" following in order.
Another distinguishing characteristic, this time a favorable one, of attitudes toward Jews is the considerable number of individuals whose attitudes and stereotyping clearly class them as pro-Jewish. (Excluding self-ratings no comparable pro-Italian and pro-Irish groups, to speak of, were found.) There were 29 such individuals—15 per cent— in this study, and 12 of them were interviewed. In three of the 12, the pro- Jewishness was primarily a matter of ethics, Christian ethics, a desire to help the downtrodden, to atone for the "sins of the fathers," and in at least one of the three, these feelings were tied up with an unhappy frustrated personal life. The pro-Jewishness of the remaining nine was, however, little governed by such considerations, but seemed to stem directly from a conviction that the Jews are a superior group in most, if not in all, personal and social qualities. Among the students, this alleged superiority revolved around Jewish contributions to civilization, their preeminent and forward ideas and ideals, almost a belief that most positive qualities of Western culture are largely due to Jews. In some ways, the views of these non-Jewish Americans correspond to the doctrine of a "Jewish mission:" "peace and love," as preached by some American rabbis; "revolution and a new social order," as put forth by some early Russian-Jewish revolutionaries. On the other hand, the pro-Jewish subjects of the middle-aged group saw Jewish superiority primarily in the personal success, achievements, and habits of the latter. Said a small storekeeper of Irish descent: "I take my hat off to the Jews. They know how to do things and get things, despite handicaps I certainly would be happy if my daughter married a Jew. Jews are good family people, good providers, loyal to their wife and children, and don't drink."
The general curve of the distribution of dislike-like of Jews also seems to differ from the curves of dislike-like of the two other ethnic groups, as may be gathered from Table 8. The curves for both Italians and Irish are essentially unimodal, the first being bell-shaped and the second being positively skewed, but the curve for the Jews unmistakably points toward a bi-modality of distribution.
Previous studies based on genome-wide SNP diversity reported differences between individuals of southern and northern/central European ancestry [3, 5, 6] and, to a lesser extent, between those of eastern and western European ancestry [3], which were not confirmed in our study.
Regardless of whether genetic variation is "clinal" or "clustered" within Europe, America's Northern European majority is genetically distinct from its southern Italian minority.To determine the genetic patterns across the British Isles, we will use genetic “markers” to look at every individual sample. One might expect, for example, to find fewer genetic differences between people in Cornwall and Devon than Cornwall and the Shetlands because, historically, there has been less movement between the more distant counties.
Once these genetic patterns have been identified, it should also be possible to use them to investigate historical patterns of movement within the UK. As well as this, comparison of these patterns with results from other populations that surround the UK, such as the Scandanavians, French and Germans, should help us to understand the impact they have had on the British over the Centuries.
[. . .]
What we plan to do is collect blood samples from between 100 and 150 people from about 30 different rural regions throughout the UK. To try and make sure that the sample is representative of the area throughout the ages, we are looking for people whose parents and grandparents were all born in the same locality.
We are currently in the process of analysing our data from the latest round of genotyping and hope to report the results later on this year.
The final sample consisted of 10 participants (5 men and 5 women) who were second-generation graduate students from a predominantly White, midsized urban university in the Northeast. This sample size corresponds to the CQR method of recruiting between 8 and 12 participants (Hill et al., 1997). Regarding racial background, 5 identified as Asian/Pacific Islander, 3 identified as Hispanic, 1 identified as Caribbean, and 1 identified as White/Hispanic.
[. . .]
Physical Characteristics of True Americans
Seven participants reported that white skin, blonde hair, and blue eyes were the physical characteristics of a true American. Among these 7 participants, 6 participants mentioned White (n = 2), Caucasian (n = 3), or light skin (n = 1); 4 participants mentioned blonde hair (n = 2) or light hair (n = 2); and 4 participants mentioned blue eyes (n = 2) or light eyes (n = 2). For example, 1 Asian American male participant strongly associated being American with being White and believed that skin color was more important than other characteristics. He stated, “Being White is like a trump card, you can be like ignorant in politics and be White but more American than like a Black or Asian person.” Only 1 of the 7 participants who described White features also included gender. This Caribbean American man stated, “Definitely male, White umm, definitely male and White.” Only 2 of the 7 participants spoke of these features being part of a cookie-cutter or stereotypical American view of what is considered American.
[. . .]
These findings should be considered in light of recent research in the area of American identity. For example, Cheryan and Monin (2005) found that although Asian Americans felt as American as their White American counterparts, they also recognized that they were not perceived as such by other Americans. Thus, it is possible that although our participants may have felt American, as second-generation Americans and racial/ethnic minorities, they may also have recognized that they were not perceived to be as American as White European Americans and thus described features such as blonde hair and blue eyes.
[. . .]
Collectively, the results of our study indicated that being and feeling like a true American was complex and related to a number of individual and contextual factors. The complexity of participants' American identity definitions and negotiations is clearly evident in the results, in which four out of the six domains included categories that could be considered conceptual opposites: physical characteristics (White with blonde hair and blue eyes vs. diverse); beliefs and values (ethnocentrism vs. multiculturalism); impact of 9/11 (us-vs.-them mentality vs. greater unity); and participants' American identity (felt like a true American vs. did not feel like a true American). In addition, our results highlight the potential impact of sociopolitical forces in determining individuals' definitions and feelings of inclusion within a superordinate national identity.
J Pers Soc Psychol. 2008 Jun;94(6):1033-47.More:
Biological conceptions of race and the motivation to cross racial boundaries.
Williams MJ, Eberhardt JL.
Department of Psychology, University of California-Berkeley, Berkeley, CA 94720, USA. melissa@berkeley.edu
The present studies demonstrate that conceiving of racial group membership as biologically determined increases acceptance of racial inequities (Studies 1 and 2) and cools interest in interacting with racial outgroup members (Studies 3-5). These effects were generally independent of racial prejudice. It is argued that when race is cast as a biological marker of individuals, people perceive racial outgroup members as unrelated to the self and therefore unworthy of attention and affiliation. Biological conceptions of race therefore provide justification for a racially inequitable status quo and for the continued social marginalization of historically disadvantaged groups. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2008 APA, all rights reserved).
PMID: 18505316 [PubMed - in process]
Human survival and well-being fundamentally depend on connections to other people. In the present research, we examine the extent to which people's conceptions of social groups determine which connections are most worthy of investment. Specifically, we investigate whether conceiving of racial group membership as biologically rooted determines to whom people attend and with whom they affiliate. We argue that a biological notion of race saps people's desire to reach out to members of racial groups that have been historically disadvantaged. These biological outgroup members ultimately are rendered, as a group and individually, less relevant to the self.
In the United States, race has traditionally been viewed in terms of biological essentialism—that is, race is understood to be a fundamental and stable source of division among humankind that is rooted in our biological makeup. More recently, however, some have come to see race as a social construct, initially created for purposes of maintaining a hierarchical social order but now a meaningful marker of cultural orientation, social identity, and experiences with discrimination (Smedley & Smedley, 2005).
[. . .]
The purpose of the present research is not to determine which view is most accurate but instead to investigate the consequences of endorsing one conception over another.
[. . .]
Less often have researchers investigated the role of people's evaluatively neutral beliefs in explaining reactions to racial disparities and the quality of interracial interactions. Beyond racial prejudice, in this article we investigate whether a simple belief that racial categories are biologically determined has the power to dampen people's motivation to engage with historically disadvantaged racial groups. Affiliating and engaging with others is a fundamental need. However, a biological conception of race may function as an affiliation cue that operates preferentially, such that people who hold this conception most desire to affiliate with those who are in their biological ingroup. That is, because people are more likely to direct their resources and attention to those whom they perceive as kin (Hamilton, 1964; Kruger, 2003; O'Gorman, Wilson, & Miller, 2005), they may direct their resources and attention to those within their racial ingroup when they view race as biological in nature.
We demonstrate in the present studies that individuals who understand race to be biologically derived are more accepting of racial inequities. They tend to understand racial inequities as natural, unproblematic, and unlikely to change (Study 1), a relationship that cannot be accounted for by racial prejudice. Moreover, an experimentally manipulated view of race as biological leads people to respond to racial inequities with less emotional engagement (Study 2). That is, they are not only less motivated to change racial inequities but also less concerned with and moved by such disparities. At the interpersonal level, we show that those with a biological conception of race maintain friendship networks that are less racially diverse (Study 3), have less desire to develop friendships across race lines (Studies 3 and 4), and are less interested in simply sustaining contact with a person of another race (Study 5) than are those with a social conception of race. Thus, we argue that a biological notion of race—beyond racial prejudice—sharpens associational preferences along race lines.
Annals of Epidemiology
Volume 18, Issue 8, August 2008, Pages 664-670
doi:10.1016/j.annepidem.2008.03.001
Social Differences in Insulin-like Growth Factor-1: Findings from a British Birth Cohort
Meena Kumaria et al.
Purpose
Insulin-like growth factor-1 (IGF-1) is related to factors that are socially patterned and may play a role in social differences in the development of morbidities including disability. Our aim is to examine whether there are social differences in IGF-1 in a cohort of participants between 44 and 45 years of age.
Methods
We examine the association of IGF-1 with social position measured by father's or own occupational class at three time points in childhood and adulthood, in a cohort of individuals born in one month in 1958 (N = 3,374 men and 3,302 women).
Results
Lower IGF-1 levels were associated with lower social position measured with father's occupational class at birth (p < 0.0001) and own occupational class aged 42 years (p < 0.001). Adult social position was associated with IGF-1 independently of social position at birth (p < 0.001) or any covariates examined. Conclusions IGF-1 secretion is associated with social position such that low social position is associated with lower levels of IGF-1. This biomarker may play a role in the development of social differences in morbidities associated with aging, such as the development of disability.
Key Words: Socioeconomic Status; Life Course; Inequalities in Health; Birth Cohort; Insulin-like Growth Factor–1
Abbreviations: IGF-1, insulin-like growth factor–1; BMI, body mass index; HbA1c, glycosylated hemoglobin
[. . .]
Insulin-like growth factor–1 (IGF-1) is an anabolic protein, related to insulin, which has important actions on cell division, metabolism, as well as on cell proliferation in vascular smooth muscle. Low levels of IGF-1 are associated with atherosclerosis and may be predictive of cardiovascular events (1), type 2 diabetes (2), loss of physical functioning (3), whereas high levels of IGF-1 are associated with the development of certain cancers (2).
[. . .]
Heart disease (1), diabetes (2), functioning, or disability (3) show associations with social position, and our findings suggest that IGF-1 may play a role in the pathways that mediate these differences. This is interesting in light of the recent increase in the prevalence of type 2 diabetes and in the context of an aging population with the resultant increases in disability and poor functioning. An independent association with disability may be mediated by IGF-1 because low IGF-1 levels may correspond to a decrease in the ability to maintain muscle mass (42). Further investigation into the predictors of high IGF-1 levels may help to identify predictors for the maintenance of muscle mass that may militate against the development of disability.
Female facial attractiveness was best predicted by BMI and past health problems, whereas male facial attractiveness was best predicted by the socioeconomic status (SES) of their rearing environment.
[. . .]
Good genes theory predicts that variables contributing positively to individual health and fitness should be positively related to each other, and negatively related to variables that impact negatively on health and fitness. In this study, “positive” variables are SES and attractiveness, and “negative” variables are BMI, asymmetry and Health Problems. The results of between-variables correlations are thus generally consistent with good genes theory, although not all correlations were significant (Table 2).
Variation in facial features among European populations measured from 3D photographs.
D.K. Liberton1, B. McEvoy2, M. Bauchet1, C.A. Hill1, J.T. Richtsmeier1, T. Frudakis3, M.D. Shriver1.
1Department of Anthropology, Pennsylvania State University, 2Smurfit Institute of Genetics, Trinity College Dublin, 3DNAPrint Genomics, Inc.
The presence of craniofacial variation among continentally described groups has been documented. However, finer-scale phenotypic variation among populations has been more difficult to determine. The purpose of this study is to use three-dimensional images to evaluate if there are significant patterns of facial difference among European populations. Besides determining the extent of regional population differences in facial morphology, this work serves as a foundation for studies involving European genetic stratification and the detection of genes that determine facial features.
The study consists of 180 adult women, aged 18-35, from four geographically discrete European regions: Warsaw, Poland (N=45); Rome, Italy (N=45); Porto, Portugal (N=45); and Dublin, Ireland (N=45). Threedimensional photographs were acquired from faces using the 3dMDface imaging system. Three-dimensional landmark coordinate data were collected from using the 3dMD Patient software and were analyzed using Euclidean Distance Matrix Analysis. Pairwise comparisons between geographic regions were performed to determine patterns of significant differences in facial morphology among the four European populations.
Our results indicate that differences in female facial morphology are symmetrical and that population differences are localized to specific facial regions. This shows that there are statistically significant differences in facial morphology among European populations which can be mapped using coordinate data generated from three-dimensional photographs. Furthermore, these results suggest that morphological differences in facial features may likely be the result of genetic differentiation among European populations.
Supported by grants: Science Foundation of Ireland, Walton Fellowship
Orientals are the most K, Blacks are the most r, and Whites fall in between. Being more r means: [. . .] more developed primary sexual characteristics (size of penis, vagina, testes, ovaries)Rushton apparently has many convinced the above assertions are ironclad facts. They are not. Despite Rushton's sometimes selective presentation of evidence, what data exist (on "size of penis, vagina, testes") fail to consistently align with Rushton's Asian < White < African framework.
Penis size
Rushton claims [2]:
We averaged the ethnographic data on erect penis and found the means to approximate:The numbers above are apparently lifted directly (or indirectly via Coon's Racial Adaptations) from a book by "A French Army Surgeon" ("Jacobus X" / Jacobus Sutor) published in 1898 (so much for "averages" of "the ethnographic data"; Rushton cites "A French Army Surgeon" as merely an "e.g." of "the ethnographic record", but Rushton's "ethnographic record" is apparently limited to the supposed observations of a single 19th-century individual).
Orientals, 4 to 5.5 in. in length and 1.25 in. in diameter;
Caucasians, 5.5 to 6 in. in length and 1.5 in. in diameter;
blacks, 6.25 to 8 in. in length and 2 in. in diameter.
White males had an average flaccid penis length of 4.0 inches, whereas the average black male's detumescent member measured 4.3 inches. But when erect, the average white penis was 6.2 inches long, whereas the average black's was 6.3 inches--still longer, but not by much. (Average circumference for whites was 3.7 inches; for blacks, 3.8.)
The World Health Organization Guidelines specify a 49-mm-width condom for Asia, a 52-mm-width for North America and Europe, and a 53-mm-width for Africa.I'd taken Rushton at his word here and had not bothered to check his WHO claim beyond determining that WHO did no original research on the subject (as stated above). In reality, it's clear from the guidelines that WHO specify exactly two widths [7]:
WHO specifies a width of 49 mm or 53 mm with a tolerance of ±2 for individual condoms and ±1 for the average of the lot.The WHO don't make distinctions among Europe, Africa, and Asia, but between Asia and everyone else [7]:
Condoms are made in various widths. Based on studies in Australia, Thailand and the USA, and the experience of major agencies, the wider condoms (flat width 52-55 mm) will be preferred in Australia, Africa, Europe, Latin America, the Middle East and North America, and the narrower condoms (47-51 mm) will be preferred in several Asian countries (see Appendix III). Other widths are also made for small specialized markets.Note: the ranges encompass tolerances in the specification; only two distinct widths are specified.]
Measurements taken from living subjects as well as those at autopsy, show the size of testes is twofold lower in Asian men than Europeans (9 g vs 21 g), a difference too large to be accounted for entirely in terms of body size (Diamond, 1986; Short, 1984). [. . .] Contrary to the general trend, Freeman (1934) observed that, at autopsy, American blacks had less heavy testes than American whites (13g vs 15g). [. . .] Subsequently Daniel, Fienstein, Howard-Peebles, and Baxley (1982) found no black-white difference in testicular volume among American adolescents, while Ajmani, Jain, and Saxena (1985) found larger scrotal circumference in Nigerians than Europeans (212.6 mm vs 195.1 mm or 8.37 in. vs 7.68 in.)Strangely, by 2000, Rushton seems to have grown somewhat amnesiac [1]:
Race differences in testicle size have also been measured (Asians = 9 grams, Europeans = 21 g). This is not just because Europeans have a slightly larger body size. The difference is too large. A 1989 article in Nature, the leading British science magazine, said that the difference in testicle size could mean that Whites make two times as many sperm per day as do Orientals. So far, we have no information on the relative size of Blacks.Rushton also conveniently ignores "A French Army Surgeon" where the latter's claim fails to line up with the former's theory:
In no branch of the human race are the male organs more developed than in the African Negro. I am speaking of the penis only and not of the testicles, which are often smaller than those of the majority of Europeans.
Women were proportionate to men, with Orientals having smaller vaginas and blacks larger ones, relative to Caucasians.Modern studies fail to bear out this claim, which tends to further reduce the credibility of Rushton's 19th-century source. One study using MRI finds "[r]ace was not associated with any differences in measurements of vaginal dimensions" [5]. A different study finds [6]:
posterior cast length is significantly longer, anterior cast length is significantly shorter and cast width is significantly larger in Hispanics than in the other two groups and (2) the Caucasian introitus is significantly greater than that of the Afro-American subject.Nor do the "Afro-American" subjects have deeper vaginas: "[a]verage rod lengths for Caucasians and Afro-Americans were 11.51 and 11.18 cm [. . .] significantly different as measured by t test" [6].
American Journal of Physical Anthropology; Published Online: 25 Jul 2008
Ancient DNA analysis of human remains from the upper capital city of Kublai Khan
Yuqin Fu et al.
Keywords
ancient DNA • mitochondrial DNA • human origins • China
Abstract
Analysis of DNA from human archaeological remains is a powerful tool for reconstructing ancient events in human history. To help understand the origin of the inhabitants of Kublai Khan's Upper Capital in Inner Mongolia, we analyzed mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) polymorphisms in 21 ancient individuals buried in the Zhenzishan cemetery of the Upper Capital. MtDNA coding and noncoding region polymorphisms identified in the ancient individuals were characteristic of the Asian mtDNA haplogroups A, B, N9a, C, D, Z, M7b, and M. Phylogenetic analysis of the ancient mtDNA sequences, and comparison with extant reference populations, revealed that the maternal lineages of the population buried in the Zhenzishan cemetery are of Asian origin and typical of present-day Han Chinese, despite the presence of typical European morphological features in several of the skeletons. Am J Phys Anthropol, 2008. © 2008 Wiley-Liss, Inc.
[link]
In one of the first studies to link molecular genetic variants to adolescent delinquency, sociological research published in the August issue of the American Sociological Review identifies three genetic predictors--of serious and violent delinquency--that gain predictive precision when considered together with social influences, such as family, friends and school processes.The paper:
[. . .]
The three genetic polymorphisms that predict delinquency include:
1. the 30-base pair (bp) promoter-region with a variable number tandem repeat (VNTR) in the monoamine oxidase A (MAOA) gene,
2. the 40-bp VNTR in the dopamine transporter 1 (DAT1) gene and
3. the Taq1 polymorphism in the dopamine D2 receptor (DRD2) gene. MAOA regulates several brain neurotransmitters important in behavioral motivation, aggression, emotion and cognition (e.g., serotonin, dopamine, norepinephrine).
The Integration of Genetic Propensities into Social-Control Models of Delinquency and Violence among Male YouthsMy guess is genetic differences such as these (along with IQ) will ultimately be shown to account for a much larger fraction of cross-racial variation in crime than racial differences in circulating testosterone levels (which seem far from fixed). I don't have population frequency data for the specific polymorphisms mentioned above, but the SNP rs979606 in MAOA, for example, varies in the familiar Asian <> European <> African pattern. Update: Racial differences are also apparent in DRD2 Taq1 genotypes and the DAT1 40 bp VNTR, though their meaning is not clear to me yet.
Authors: Guo, Guang; Roettger, Michael E.; Cai, Tianji
Source: American Sociological Review, Volume 73, Number 4, August 2008 , pp. 543-568(26)
Abstract:
This study, drawing on approximately 1,100 males from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, demonstrates the importance of genetics, and genetic-environmental interactions, for understanding adolescent delinquency and violence. Our analyses show that three genetic polymorphisms—specifically, the 30-bp promoter-region variable number tandem repeat (VNTR) in MAOA, the 40-bp VNTR in DAT1, and the Taq1 polymorphism in DRD2—are significant predictors of serious and violent delinquency when added to a social-control model of delinquency. Importantly, findings also show that the genetic effects of DRD2 and MAOA are conditional and interact with family processes, school processes, and friendship networks. These results, which are among the first that link molecular genetic variants to delinquency, significantly expand our understanding of delinquent and violent behavior, and they highlight the need to simultaneously consider their social and genetic origins.
Neuropsychopharmacology (2008) 33, 425–430; doi:10.1038/sj.npp.1301417; published online 11 April 2007
A Non-Additive Interaction of a Functional MAO-A VNTR and Testosterone Predicts Antisocial Behavior
Rickard L Sjöberg et al.
Abstract
A functional VNTR polymorphism in the promoter of the monoamine oxidase A gene (MAOA-LPR) has previously been shown to be an important predictor of antisocial behavior in men. Testosterone analogues are known to interact with the MAOA promoter in vitro to influence gene transcription as well as in vivo to influence CSF levels of the MAO metabolite 3-methoxy-4-hydroxyphenylglycol (MHPG) in human males. We examined the possible joint effects of testosterone (measured in CSF) and MAOA-LPR genotype on antisocial personality disorder and scores on the Brown–Goodwin Aggression scale in 95 unrelated male criminal alcoholics and 45 controls. The results confirm that MAOA genotype and CSF testosterone interact to predict antisocial behaviors. The MAOA/testosterone interaction also predicted low levels of CSF MHPG, which tentatively suggests the possibility that the interaction may be mediated by a direct effect on gene transcription. If replicated these findings offer plausible explanations for previous inconsistencies in studies of the relationship between testosterone and male human aggression, as well as for how MAOA genotype may influence aggressive behavior in human males.
Keywords:
antisocial personality disorder, antisocial behavior, MAO-A gene, testosterone, gene by hormone interaction, MHPG
The cemetery at Yanbulaq contained 29 mummies which date from 1800–500 BC, 21 of which are Caucasoid—the earliest Caucasoid mummies found in the Tarim Basin—and eight of which are of the same Caucasoid physical type found at Qäwrighul.[1]:237 . However, more recent genetic studies painted a more complex picture (Xie et al., 2007). It showed both european and asian characteristics.
The Qäwrighul remains are relatively homogeneous and they exhibit features associated with a type known as Proto-Europoid, a rather robust Caucasoid, especially well represented in Northern Europe and the steppelands and forest-steppe of Russia and the Ukraine. Similar remains occur in the Bronze Age cemeteries of southern Siberia, Kazakhstan, Central Asia and the Lower Volga. [. . .]
The next oldest remains derive from the Yanbulaq cemetery near Humul (Hami), situated to the northeast of Qäwrighul and the easternmost cemetery investigated. Here Han Kangxin identified 21 of the 29 complete skulls as Mongoloids and these are the earliest definite evidence of Mongoloids in East Central Asia. The remaining skulls, however, belonged to Caucasoids who are closest to those from Qäwrighul and point to the same general direction for their origins, i.e. the steppelands to the north and west.
The single skull recovered from among the inhumation burials at Shambalay near Tahkurgan in the far west of the Tarim Basin has been compared with the type that spanned the Mediterranean across Central Asia; this type also includes the Saka tribes of the southern Pamirs.
A much larger sample of 58 skulls was recovered from one of the mass graves at Alwighul in the Tangri Tagh (Tian Shan). Here Han distinguishes two Caucasoids types: the Eastern Mediterranean or Indo-Afghan type with their long and high skulls and the broader and rounder skulls of the Pamir-Ferghana type; Han also identified hybrids of these two subtypes as well as some evidence of Mongoloid admixture. By now, the attentive reader will know we owe another caveat; the three physical types employed by Han Kangxin -- Proto-Europoids, Indo-Afghans and Pamir-Ferghanans -- are largely relabelled Nordics, Mediterraneans, and Alpines, terms that send shivers of apprehension down the spines of Western biological anthropologists.
[. . .]
The Sampul cemetery provides us with our only physical anthropological evidence of the southern Silk Road in the vicinity of Khotan. Although the cemetery contained various individual graves employing some form of log coffin, all the burials examined derive from the group graves which date to the first centuries BC. Han Kangxin has identified the remains as belonging to the same Indo-Afghan type that one encounters among the Saka of the southern Pamirs.
[pp. 236-239; The Tarim Mummies]
The Telegraph reports the study as follows:Neolithic men were prepared to fight for their women
[. . .]
Many archaeologists have argued that women have long motivated cycles of violence and blood feuds throughout history but there has really been no solid archaeological evidence to support this view.
Now a relatively new method has been used to work out the origins of the victims tossed into a mass grave of skeletons, and so distinguish one tribe from another, revealing that neighbouring tribes were prepared to kill their male rivals to secure their women some 7000 years ago.
The Durham University research, described in the academic journal Antiquity, focused on 34 skeletons found buried in the village of Talheim in the south-west of Germany.
[. . .]
Lead author Dr Alex Bentley says the simplest explanation is that the women of one tribe were captured.
"It seems this community was specifically targeted, as could happen in a cycle of revenge between rival groups. Although resources and population were undoubtedly factors in central Europe around that time, women appear to be the immediate reason for the attack.
"Our analysis points to the local women being regarded as somehow special and were therefore kept alive."
[re: hysterical Medocentrist outburst elsewhere]Smeaton investigated the cementing properties of various mortars, made from lime obtained from various locations, and discovered that the best mortars were made from the calcination of limes that contained considerable proportions of clay minerals (argillaceous lime). This was the first occasion that the importance of clay mixed with the lime had been recognized in the formation of a hydraulic setting cement. It was found that limes that did not dissolve completely in nitric acid (clay being insoluble in the acid) possessed good hydraulic properties (Kohlhaas, 1983). The cementitious agent Smeaton finally used was made from such a clay containing lime which was mixed with an equal quantity of pozzolana (Lea, 1970). The lighthouse that he constructed stood for 123 years until 1879 and only failed when its foundations were undermined by the sea. Smeaton's conclusions about the importance of the presence of clay were not published until after his death in 1792. Smeaton was the first to call himself a civil engineer (as distinct from a military engineer). In the preface to his book, Hydraulischen Moertel, W Michaelis stated in 1869 (in translation):A century has elapsed since the famous Smeaton completed the building of the Eddystone Lighthouse. Not only the seafaring but for all humanity stands as a true signal of blessed work, a light in the dark night. From the scientific point of view it illuminated the darkness of nearly 2000 years.The cement was called 'Roman cement' although it in no way resembled the true Roman cement, except for its hydraulic setting reactions.
The errors which came to us from the Romans and which were shared even by the excellent Belidor, were dispersed.
The Eddystone Lighthouse is the foundation upon which our knowledge of hydraulic mortars has been built and is the chief pillar of modern construction. Smeaton freed us from the shackles of tradition by showing us that the purest and hardest limestone is not the best, at least for hydraulic purposes, and that the source of the hydraulicity of lime mortar must be sought in the argillacrious admixtures (Draffin, 1976).
[Mary S. J. Gani; Cement and Concrete; p. 5]
Cement was used from the decline of the Empire and through the Middle Ages, but none of it was any good until comparatively recent times (Davey, 1961). [. . .]
In this case, it was not that a Roman secret was lost, rather that the Romans, who did no testing, never learned what they had. The very idea of testing is comparatively recent, and the engineer John Smeaton, who tested samples for the construction of the Eddystone Light in the years 1756– 1759 (Davey, 1961) is, I suspect, the first man on the planet deliberately to test cements of differing compositions.
[Thomas Nelson Winter. Roman Concrete: The Ascent, Summit, and Decline of an Art. Transactions of the Nebraska Academy of Sciences 7 (1979), pp. 137-143.]
